Another book To —formerly in Toledo, now in Madrid—corresponds to the earliest stage of compilation to which we have direct access, with one hundred cantigas plus appendices; it features a unique, semi-mensural kind of musical notation. The remaining two, formerly in Seville, have been kept at the Royal Monastery of El Escorial since , and have a more international, even if nonstandard, kind of mensural notation.
In fact, they are the X, el Sabio. Unless otherwise stated, this standard numbering corresponds up to no. The numbering of the songs in manuscript To often departs from the standard scholarly numbering, which is based on manuscript E. References to folios in my citations of manuscripts in these footnotes indicate only the folio on which a text begins, not its full extent. The nearly perfect state of conservation of these books implies that few people turned their pages, and infrequently.
The twin volumes T and F probably entered the royal library only a few decades after being deposited at the cathedral in Seville ca.
Table of contents
Infrequency of use seems the likeliest explanation for the lack of further copies. This monumental song collection was appar- ently forgotten as soon as he died, or shortly thereafter. The musical notation in the CSM manuscripts was not replicated elsewhere. Serious interest resumed in the late sixteenth century among scholars whose concerns were mainly historical and literary.
Snow, Poetry of Alfonso X, 1—2. The CSM entered the realm of historical musicology with the publication in of the first volume of a history of Spanish music written by Mariano Soriano Fuertes. The author describes the notated thirteenth-century manu- scripts, but in fact takes his examples of songs from the CSM from an eighteenth-century source. By comparison with their modern notoriety, the medieval circulation of the CSM was severely limited.
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This article will ask what can be ascertained about the medieval echo of the CSM, however quiet it may have been. The absence of historical records attesting use of the collection by specific agents, and the established fact that the extant medieval manuscripts were not directly used for performance purposes, still leave open the possibility of investigating other kinds of traces, both external and internal.
This is no The musical translation into modern values is admittedly free but follows the original closely. The numbering of the songs follows To: no. Documentary evidence of early circulation in both courtly and clerical envi- ronments will first be examined, and then internal iconographical, literary, and compositional data will be considered in order to determine how the CSM were intended to be used, by what kinds of people, and for what pur- poses.
Finally, the CSM will be placed within the larger cultural and political context of the reign of Alfonso X, in the light of which it will be suggested that Alfonso, the author and compiler, had much more ambitious literary aspirations than he was able to realize, and that the relative obscurity of the CSM was inextricably linked to the political failure of the monarch who created them.
Early Circulation: The Courtly Environment Sources directly attesting the reception of the CSM in courtly circles are few and far between, and almost mute. Circulation beyond the regal holdings seems to have been severely limited; the few known instances, all related to Portugal, may have at their root close political and family ties with Portuguese royalty. We do not know, however, whether one or both songs were part of the original compilation, or added to it at an unknown date or place. It was probably written around — Deus te salve, Gloriosa B , To 30, E 40 is copied on folio r.
This book, which he attributes to King Dinis but which could merely have been owned by him , has since disappeared. Later, however, he changed his mind, See Vasconcellos, Cancioneiro da Ajuda, —32, — The songs contained therein could have been secular, devotional, or both. Vasconcellos, Cancioneiro da Ajuda, n5, —13, A book of apparently similar contents, described in the eighteenth century in Portugal, seems to have been a later miscellaneous copy, possibly the model for a section in the manuscript in the Barbieri collection described below, note The Medieval Fate of the Cantigas de Santa Maria for in the meantime he had become aware of a late eighteenth-century gath- ering now in the Barbieri collection at Madrid that contains versions of CSM new melody , new melody , 2, 10, 17, 6, 67, and 28, in this or- der.
The connection must also be indirect, since the Barbieri MS was copied in a single run by a hired professional, which is incompatible with simultaneous artistic remodeling of its contents; this implies that the stylistic adaptation of the medieval songs in its first section predates the copy. For his later view, see ibid. Soriano Fuertes did not transcribe CSM 10 no. The first section, taken from folios 85—89 of the presumed model, encompasses folios 1—10 nos. Its nucleus is a collection of CSM; nos. The second section, corresponding to folios —28 in its exemplar, encompasses folios 11—18 new numbering, also 1— Its main contents are Spanish songs from the second half of the seventeenth century, with miscellaneous materials nos.
Photograph by the author. Between and Alfonso aspired to the office of Holy Roman emperor. Later on, he mainly sought to advance the prestige of the Castilian-Leonese lineage. In , in Frankfurt, four of the seven German prince-electors voted to appoint Alfonso X Holy Roman emperor, while the remaining three separately voted for Richard of Cornwall, who a few months later had himself crowned in Aachen. From that point Brito, Segunda parte da Monarchia Lusytana, bk.
The Medieval Fate of the Cantigas de Santa Maria onward Alfonso embarked on an international campaign to have his status acknowledged and to outstrip his rival by securing his own coronation by the pope. CSM 10 is a cantiga de loor, a lyrical song of praise, while the others have a narrative content. The three medieval manuscripts with musical notation, To, T, and E, record three successive stages, from ca.
Conversely, a few late cantigas would have circulated without music, which was provided long afterward. In , in exchange for Portuguese military help in the suppression of the Murcia rebellion, Alfonso renounced his lordship over the Algarve and repatriated his garrisons. The Badajoz Treaty of sealed and supplemented this settlement with provisions concerning the Portuguese-Castilian border, ending Leonese claims to supremacy over Portugal. By presenting himself to Afonso III as emperor- elect, a cause he was now willing to pursue with renewed energy, Alfonso would apparently keep the upper hand and safeguard his prestige.
A gift of appropriate cantigas would have reinforced this image. Likely political contexts for their transmission are furthermore concentrated between and —the visit that Dinis paid to his grandfather in Seville sometime between and , and, perhaps most likely, the joint signature in of the Badajoz Treaty by Alfonso X and Afonso III.
This is suggested by the fact that the miracles told in CSM and benefitted Pizarro, D. Dinis, 78— Thus, a small number of the CSM were transmitted to the Portuguese court in the thirteenth century, and may well have been performed there, although we have no external evidence for this. It presents late, performable ver- sions of eight cantigas, six of which are given with their medieval melodies. Three of these do not feature variants of note, while the remaining three relate overall to variants found in the earliest source, To. The most likely context for the arrival of notated cantigas in Portugal is the royal court, between and ; the melodic variants point to a similarly early date.
The older set of songs in the Barbieri MS may thus be textual descendants of the first stage of compilation and notated diffusion of the CSM, prior to the stages represented by the extant Alfonsine manu- scripts. The fact that the initial pair of songs appears in this manuscript with new melodies can be explained by their independent transmission, at a later date, without musical notation, which in turn relates to their belonging to a different layer in the Alfonsine collection.
Assuming that the addition was Ventura, D. Afonso III, —5. The Barbieri MS provides a copy of this final stage. Alfonso resided in Seville for much of his later reign, and chose its cathedral as the burial place for both his parents, as well as as a second choice for himself. On Saint Ildefonsus, see note 42 below. A papal bull of granted twenty days of indulgence to anyone who visited the church on a Saturday the weekday singled out for the Marian cult , prayed for the soul of King Ferdinand, and practiced almsgiving.
From onward the cathedral benefitted from a papal privilege granting one hundred days of indulgence to all who attended the Feast of the Assumption August 15 , which the cathedral recognized as its own feast day, or any other Marian feast singled out by a procession. While they would have been expected to comply, there is only slight evidence that they did so. It seems likely that for a while some form of performance of the CSM in or around the church occurred as planned, drawing on the many clerical singers At the end of the eighteenth century it was claimed that the books of the CSM had been kept for many years in the archive of the cathedral, and that their contents were sung on the feasts of Mary, until King Philip II requisitioned them for El Escorial where manuscripts T and E arrived in Performing instructions are nonetheless found in some of the manuscripts, and an effort seems to have been made to facilitate the singing of selected cantigas according to the church calendar.
This does not correspond to the order of the feasts in the The feast should be identified with the Expectation December 18 , not with the Con- ception December 8 , as is often assumed. The four Marian feasts of Nativity, Annunciation, Purification, and Assumption were already commemorated in Rome before The feast of December 18 corresponds to the Feast of Mary, or of the Annunciation or Incarnation, which had been in the Visigothic calendar since ; its implementation, liturgical arrangement, and the introductory prayer for the Mass were attributed to Saint Ildefonsus of Toledo archbishop —67 , who wrote a famous treatise on the virginity of Mary, thus justifying the alternative name for the feast, Virginity, in the CSM.
The polemical feast of the Conception December 8 , adopted in England and parts of France before or during the twelfth century, was resisted in Spain until the fourteenth century, and was acknowledged by Rome only in Cistercians and Dominicans were utterly opposed to it, and even the Franciscans began to add it to their calendars only from the fourteenth century on- ward, not from as is often claimed. Post-reconquest Seville took its liturgical usages from Toledo. This is confirmed by a Seville sacramentary dating from the last quarter of the thirteenth century Seville, Biblioteca Colombina, ms.
A contemporary marginal note below the last song states that on the Vigil of Saint Mary in August i. This provides a link between To and the scriptural environment of E. The marginal note in To also agrees with the rubrics for the corresponding songs in E. The latter still precedes the cantiga meant for Purification February 2 , but it could in fact have been performed previously, either during the Feast of the Expectation which, from the time of Saint Ildefonsus of Toledo, also commemorated the Annunciation , or, more likely, at Vespers during the last week of Advent, during Vigils or sometime after Lauds before the main Christmas Mass, or even on Sundays The first gathering encompasses folios 1—8, the second folios 9— The contents of folio 9r are the continuation of the song begun on folio 8v the break falls in the middle of the first stanza.
Epigraphs for CSM , , , and are omitted entirely. Abbreviations have been resolved. To Finalis E D 0. Des quando Deus sa Madre  F 9. Nenbre-sse-te, Madre  D Maria Cristina Borges has demonstrated the architectural cogency and self-sufficiency of this subcollection in E, and remarked that the choice of loores to go with the original cantigas is thematically justified. But first I shall tell in pleasing melody of Her five feast days.
See, for instance, folio 14r in the twelfth-century Plenary Missal in the Biblioteca Univer- sitaria de Salamanca, Ms. Although from a codicological point of view this section indeed seems artificially attached to the main body of the volume, it may have been made expressly to occupy its current position, as an afterthought, when the book was nearing completion. It may have existed briefly as a book- let, but then was incorporated into MS E in order to complement and enhance that collection. Cantiga in To CSM was transposed down a fifth to D, the same finalis as in the preceding song.
Thus, the same pairing principle observed in the preceding feasts, using new or appropriate preexisting loores, is applied here too. This suggests that the FJC were eventually expanded along the same rationale as the FSM, though the end result has not survived. One may thus conclude with confidence that some form of paraliturgical performance in Seville, implying paired CSM, the start of an anthology of Marian miracles broadened the purpose of the codex by turning a work of personal devotion into an object suitable for rituals of public worship.
The rubricator, however, hesitates, either because he was used to providing refrain incipits in lines left blank by the first copyist or because he had CSM in E as a model and took a while to recognize the falsity of its refrain. This suggests that the FSM appendix could have been prepared after CSM was copied into the main body of E—that is, during or after its final stages of copying. The song may have been assigned afterward to the Octave of Epiphany. Modes of Transmission Aside from these liturgical instructions for selected feast days, the extant manuscripts of CSM offer few unambiguous clues as to how the cantigas were to be performed.
Who sang them, for whom, and where? What messages were they meant to convey, beyond the most overt praise of the Virgin Mary? Modern scholars have proposed a strikingly diverse array of answers to these questions, many of them quite speculative. In order to assess these competing claims, we will examine both the internal and external evidence. The enticing idea that the CSM reached a wide medieval audience cannot be reconciled with the exist- ing evidence, which, as noted above, suggests quite a limited circulation.
A careful evaluation of the internal evidence, both textual and formal, none- theless indicates that Alfonso did intend the CSM to circulate, and be per- formed, across a broad range of social classes, as part of an ambitious cultural program with both religious and political objectives. These inten- tions were unfulfilled because of the ultimate failure of the monarch himself, and his posthumous denigration.
The idea that the CSM had a very large audience in the Middle Ages has gained undeserved currency in modern Alfonsine studies. The fact that T and F are spectacular works of art has suggested to some modern inter- preters that they were meant as showcases: according to John Keller, it is possible that the volumes might have been on display. Artistic items of great value were to be seen in the treasuries of cathedrals, where many might have been displayed along with tapestries, jewels, and other priceless items.
Alfonso was very proud of the Cantigas. It is unlikely, then, that he would have kept the volumes hidden. Moreover, Rather they should be seen as enameled writings accruing to the prestige of the monarchy: precious encasements, with miracle stories—a sacred content, shaped by a devout king—at their core. CSM claims that Alfonso X was cured by contact with the book of cantigas that traveled with him possibly To. A collection of CSM could thus acquire the thaumaturgic status of a relic, and accordingly deserve a magnificent wrapping, made of exquisite miniatures, generously inlaid with gold.
Keller, Pious Brief Narrative, Formal homogeneity is certainly a sign of coherent conception as opposed to piecemeal juxtaposi- tion, but it does not exclude relation to a living performance tradition, as we will shortly see in the discussion of form. The second argument is an argu- ment from silence, which is plausible only insofar as the survival of written descriptions, performance materials, or further manuscript copies of the CSM would be expected if they had actually been performed in public.
Such an expectation is misplaced, considering the potential role of oral trans- mission, the nature of the extant medieval documentation note sheets were typically disposed of and ad hoc performance arrangements disregarded , and the personal nature of the CSM enterprise which made its diffusion vulnerable to adverse political contexts.
One must also consider the possi- bility that performance was locally initiated but not sustained because of in- sufficient practical support such as dedicated endowments, or confraternity statutes to ensure performance continuity for more than a few years , its documentary trail thus being reduced to nil. Griffiths does acknowledge that some compositions might have been meant to have a larger impact as performed songs, as implied by the traces of courtly circulation and intended practical use of specific sets of the CSM explored above.
She adds, however, that some songs, either singly or in small groups, may have been performed by clerics and court minstrels in public spaces, and possibly appropriated by jongleurs in those Marian sanctu- aries where the narrated miracles were located, thus extending their reach much beyond the court. One is thus led to believe that the CSM represented an almost private, playful activity, akin to troubadour engagement among courtiers.
It will be argued below that, on the contrary, the collection reflects an ambi- tious political and religious agenda, and that it was designed at the outset to have aural public impact both within and beyond the court. In the remain- der of this section I will argue the more fundamental point that Alfonso con- ceived the CSM as a collection of songs that should be publicly performed according to either established clerical usage or the courtly tradition with which he was intimately familiar.
In codex T fol.
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This represents the beginning of the project and seems to imply teamwork in the production of versified narratives. On the facing page fol. At the center the king, with an open book, raises his left hand with the index finger pointing—a conventional gesture of command—toward the copyist on his immediate left and looks at him.
On the far right we see three clerics standing and holding an open book, their gaze directed toward another cleric with half-open mouth, possibly a solo singer. This foursome represents a mode of performance that is vocal, unaccompanied, and eccle- siastical: the soloist left alternates with a three-man chorus who follow the book while awaiting their turn.
This suggests a paraliturgical context. Used by permission. This figure appears in color in the online version of the Journal. The jongleurs, separated from the singers, are only partially active and not coordinated among themselves. They may symbolize the melody that the cleric next to them will soon try to capture in musical notation.
But it seems just as plausible that they are meant to embody the idea of ulterior circulation that was intended to occur in reality, giving fur- ther kinds of life both vocal and instrumental to the CSM. The image of minstrels singing a cantiga would not have been used if it were not a credible representation of what Alfonso intended to happen at his court. This interpretation expands and qualifies the one proposed in Ferreira, Cantus corona- tus, , The Medieval Fate of the Cantigas de Santa Maria civil war of —47 , and he himself became an important author of Galician-Portuguese troubadour songs.
The CSM were a direct continuation of the Galician-Portuguese trouba- dour tradition, both in their choice of the established poetic language70 and in their array of literary techniques. In this context Galician retained its traditional association with poetry, while Castilian was used and actively promoted as a language of prose. Afonso X. Connections between the CSM and Galician-Portuguese secular poetry as practiced by Alfonso himself and his fellow troubadours involve versification, turns of expression, and a rich palette of technical and rhetorical resources, summarized in Parkinson, Alfonso X, the Learned, 10— Galician was the western vernac- ular of the Leonese kingdom, as opposed to the northeastern Asturian- Leonese which was not acknowleged then as an independent Romance language and surfaced in writing only in local juridical documents.
This was a complex enterprise that involved deliberate juxtaposition of courtly and non- courtly models. On the one hand, Alfonso manipulated poetic and metri- cal forms from within the troubadour tradition that would highlight the digni- ty of his subject, the Virgin Mary. On the other, he chose forms from outside the troubadour tradition that were familiar to popular audiences, including recent converts from Islam, in order to encourage the penetration of his songs beyond the limited courtly circle of the troubadours, especially into the recently Christianized areas where the Islamic imprint was still strong.
The large majority of CSM, narrative or otherwise, depart from the clerical precedent of Gonzalo de Berceo, and from troubadour precedent as well, in the overall choice of metrical and musical forms. This formal scheme, which encompasses all the miracle songs and three-quarters of the others, has been associated both with dance forms, namely the Occitanic dansa or French virelai, and with the Andalusian song of the zajal type.
The latter most probably provided the model for the CSM, for the reasons outlined below. Specialists in Andalusian Arabic and Hebrew poetry hold widely divergent views on the ultimate origins of the zajal—whether to see it as an imitation of earlier Iberian Romance song or as a local adaptation and expansion of an Arabic poetic precedent. Romance philologists also disagree on the ultimate origins of the virelai—whether it is an imitation of an Iberian precedent or a pan-European derivation from popular or Latin models. What we can confi- dently say is that in the thirteenth century the zajal was a long-established, popular genre in southern Spain, including its Mozarab population, and that it is almost certain that Alfonso was personally acquainted with zajalesque It was not conquered by Castilian or Aragonese knights, unlike other towns and regions of Andalusia, nor was its population and culture initially displaced by northern, Christian newcomers.
Alfonso, as an infante, led the occupying Christian army and resided in Murcia, then es- sentially a Muslim town, for at least a couple of months in both and They fought together at the siege of Seville in —48, to which the Granadan king contributed cavalry, and began a close friendship that lasted at least until Indeed, his rule encouraged the spread of Muslim-inspired Christian architecture.
Of the rare surviving zajal-like secular songs in Galician-Portuguese, the earliest secure examples are authored by Alfonso X and two other troubadours References to the secular Galician-Portuguese cantigas follow current scholarly usage in identifying their manuscript sources and numerical position within them. Four of the abovementioned cantigas use the most usual form of the zajal, AA bbbaAA. O genete B , V 74 , by Alfonso X, may also be interpreted as a zajal, although the manuscripts fail to repeat the initial lines as a refrain.
There remain only two zajals of a later date: Pois min amor non quer leixar B bis, V is a zajalesque version of a cantiga by Airas Nunes, who was in the service of Sancho IV between and , and who may have previously been a collaborator of Alfonso X. I wish to thank Stephen Parkinson for his help in tracing potential cases of zajal form in secular cantigas.
Zajalesque formal schemes occur in no more than twenty-four cantigas. With one exception these zajal troubadour songs employed the satirical regis- ter, which lent itself to contrafaction the use of an existing melody for a differ- ent text ; this choice of form found little echo in the secular manuscript tradition, yet it pervades the CSM. The connection between the CSM and southern Iberian song is reinforced by the fact that the music uses a kind of rondeau form found only in the Andalusian tradition, with an initial repeat in the strophe of section B rather than section A, as in the French variety.
The virelai, whose origin is disputed, is also found in the Andalusian musical heritage. Musically, only 11 of the CSM use typical troubadour forms, whereas have initial refrain and mel- odic recapitulation in the strophe. Of these, are of the virelai kind, while 86 correspond to the Andalusian rondeau and 19 to the French rondeau. The zajal probably used both the virelai and the Andalusian rondeau forms. The simpler way to explain the formal, metrical, or musical novelties of the abovemen- tioned satirical songs and the CSM in the Galician-Portuguese context is therefore to assume that they were directly inspired by the Andalusian zajal.
The same could also be true of Afonso Paez and Johan Servando, both of unknown whereabouts. This formal register was rooted in the mixed local culture of Toledo and of the newly occupied southern territories, forming an arc around the kingdom of Granada, from Seville in the west to Murcia in the east. Had the king been mainly concerned with the entertainment and approval of his courtly circle, the appropriation of familiar troubadour forms or Latin conductus and sequences, in the wake of Gautier de Coinci, or some upgrade of the repeti- tious epic or lai narrative styles, would have been the most obvious choice.
While such forms appear in the CSM, they are quite rare. As Elvira Fidalgo has argued, it invited easy public access to the miracle, as well as its easy diffusion, on account of its familiarity among the minstrels. This is the more probable when the last line fails to repro- duce the rhyme and length of the previous lines; see Page, Owl and the Nightingale, 69— In addition to syllabic style and iterative melodic form with or without a short coda , clear metrical proximity to the Castilian narrative tradition is found in CSM 46, 90, and ; CSM can rather be connected to French examples.
The corre- sponding songs were composed after his death in , one of them CSM possibly by the king himself. He constructed them in a way that would allow them to serve as an exemplary, festive complement to clerical preaching, and to this end he must have imagined them reaching an appropriately large audi- ence. We can see this vision reflected not only in their musical and metrical forms, but in the subject matter of some of the song texts.
It mentions, in hierarchical order, kings and emperors stanza 3 , preachers, and other people of religious standing stanza 4 , knights and honored ladies stanza 5 , and damsels, squires, burghers and city dwellers, villagers, artisans, common folk, and merchants mentioned last but, the poem assures us, not least; stanza 6. All should be united in praise, as brothers, hands raised joined in a round?
This is a strikingly different image from the elite worldview reflected in most troubadour poetry. A similar intention is conveyed by the Latin virelai Stella splendens in monte, copied into the Libre Vermell more than a century later; one may speculate that CSM either mirrors or explicitly proposes a socially encompassing agenda for Iberian Marian shrines. The picture it paints anyway suggests that jongleurs could have been required by Alfonso to learn selected cantigas and to sing them in urban parishes where images of Mary attracted popular devotion, and possibly in towns and villages along pilgrimage roads, to Christians and Muslims alike.
It seems logical, in short, to conclude that the CSM were aimed at differ- ent kinds of audiences—sometimes the courtly circle, but mostly the larger audiences connected to palace and cathedral as well as other urban and even rural populations—and that the form of the songs could be modulated accordingly. Martin Soarez, Cavaleiro, con vossos cantares B , V As we have seen, the CSM left few traces beyond the books commissioned by the king himself, and seem to have circulated very little. The col- lection is presented as the result of a personal decision, and idealized por- traits of Alfonso in T and F underline his role in its compilation.
This alterna- tion in voice highlights the use of the first person as a significant choice. As noted above, in Alfonso was chosen by a faction of electors to become Holy Roman emperor, a claim he failed to achieve but did not re- nounce until The western and eastern seats of the Roman Empire are referred to in several miracles, two of which CSM , allude to the proximity of the em- peror to the Virgin, an idea that had become ingrained in the West since the eleventh century.
His political ideology is coher- ently inscribed in the CSM insofar as the king provides an example of devotion Snow, review of Alfonso X. Full bibliographical guidance is found in Snow, Poetry of Alfonso X. The Medieval Fate of the Cantigas de Santa Maria to be followed by the people, and mobilizes all his learning poetic, musical, theological, and hagiographical to express it. In demonstrating his superior devotion and culture the king underlines his divine right to occupy the throne. While Alfonso must have hoped that this joint Marian and dynastic exal- tation would be joyfully undertaken throughout the kingdom by subjects of high and low station alike, a careful reading of some internal references sug- gests that these hopes were soon frustrated.
Even before the project was completed it seems to have met with some resistance from his own aristocrat- ic circle. The expansion of the collection may in fact have eroded rather than consolidated his courtly audience. It may be that this interpretation makes too much of what is merely conventional literary rhetoric. Alfonso had often opposed the extended authority and particular interests of both feudal nobility and northern Spanish bishops.
Although this drastic legal outcome was avoided and Alfonso retained the crown for another two years, his pow- er was limited to little more than the county of Seville, and his diplomatic ef- forts to secure outside help were ignored by his fellow Christian kings. Sancho and his allies had in the meantime initiated a propaganda campaign against Alfonso that depicted him as impious, arrogant, and unworthy of the crown.
After Sancho had deposed him in all but name, Alfonso denounced and disinherited his son in a dramatic public ceremony. In this environment, both courtly and non-courtly circulation op- portunities for the CSM would have become narrower than ever—ironically, just when the repertory was booming and the most splendid manuscripts were being produced.
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Hunter Blair, Baronys and knights of Northumberland, A. Charlesworth, The battle of Hexham, , Halcrow, B. Craster, The early history of the Craster family, Scott, Earl Waltheof of Northumbria, Luxmoore, The lieutenancy of the county of Durham, Hildyard, A Roman site on Dere Street, Richmond and J. Gillam, Further exploration of the Atonine fort at Corbridge, Archeologia Classica Rome. Guarducci, Dedica arcaica alia Hera di Posidonia, Becatti, Sulle orme di Kephalos, Giglioli, Bronzetti italici ed etruschi di arte popolare, Floriani Squarciapino, L'ara dei Lari di Ostia, Orlandini, Ritratto femminile inedito del Museo Vaticano, Pallottino, Atlantide, Guards cci, Iscrizioni greche su vasi locali di Caere, Pallottino, Un ideogramma araldico etrusco?
Turano, La prostituzione sacra a Locri Epizefiri, Orlandini, A proposito di una cista Castellani, Guarducci, Un nuovo vasetto da collirio con iscrizione greca, Scerrato, Su alcuni sarcofagi con leoni, Romanelli, La tomba della Cristiana e il suo mistero, Goodchild et J. Ward Perkins, — L'aggere di Leptis. Una risposta, Vorbeck, Das Museum Carnuntinum, Baethgen, M. Bebenburg, Freyh, Narses Todesjahr, Holtzmann, Propter Sion non tacebo. Chenu, L'Homme et la Nature.
- Stillness in a Mobile World (International Library of Sociology).
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- The Old Guard?
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Archivio Glottologico Italiano Firenze. Ma- strelli, La composizione nominale nella traduzione slava dei Vangeli, Meriggi, Schizzo della declinazione nominale dell' eteo geroglifico, Corti, Contributi al lessico predantesco. Archivio Storico Italiano Firenze. Palmarocchi, Lorenzo de Medici e la nomina cardinalizia di Giovanni, Vidal, La fine del regime costitiizionale in Toscana secondo gli Archivi del Quai d'Orsay gennaio-marzo , Corti, Consigli sulla mercatura di un anonimo trecentista, Aliprandi, La stenografia in Italia nel Settecento, Felloni, Per la storia della popolazione di Genova nei secoli xvi e xvii, Curato, II Parlamento di Francoforte e la prima guerra d'indipendenza italiana.
I, Lodolini, Formazione dell' Archivio di Stato italiano, CXI Soranzo, Lorenzo il Magnifico alla morte del padre e il suo primo balzo verso la Signoria, Curato, Ut supra, II, Guillemain, Punti di vista sul Papato avignonese, Fiumi, Economia e vita privata dei fiorentini nelle rileva- zioni statistiche di Giovanni Villani, Curato, Ut supra. III, Archivo Espanol de Arqueologia Madrid. Kent Hill, A Roman earth-mother from Egypt, Gaya Nuno, Gronologia del Egeo, Monteagudo, Torques castrenos de alambres enrollados, Lantier, Las excavaciones del santuario solutrense de Roc-de-Sers Charente en , XXVI Marchetti-Longhi, Religione e teatro, 3.
Monteagudo, Provincia de Corufia en Ptolemeo, Viana, J. Formosinho, y Oct. Vilaseca, Sobre un hacha de piedra a medio construir, de Villa- plana provincia de Tarragona , Tarradell, Tres notas sobre arqueologia punica del Norte de Africa, Balil Illana, La arqueologia de la Maresma, Balil Illana, Prospecciones arqueolo- gicas en el valle del Mogent Barcelona , Balil Illana, Excavaciones en Elna, Balil Illana, La. Balil Illana, La fecha de los vasos de Vicarello, Macabich, Insula Augusta, Archivum Linguisticum Glasgow. Hall jr.
Belic, Constant Features in Language, Chadwick, Investis and Vesticeps, Honey- man, The Etymology of Mammon, Potter, On the Etymology of Dream, Keller, Schweizerdeutsch, Athenaeum Pavie. Alfieri, I due a- spetti della teoria del conoscere in Democrito, Gabba, Ancora sulle cifre dei censimenti, Meriggi, I nuovi frammenti e la storia di Kargamis, Manni, Note di cronologia ellenistica. Due battaglie di Andro? Colonna, Mimnermo e Callimaco, Berytus Copenhague. Sama- ran, Le plus ancien cartulaire de Saint-Mont Gers xie-xme s.
Theu- rillat, L'acte de fondation de l'abbaye de Saint-Maurice d'Agaune, Ar- tonne, Froissart historien. Bignami-Odier et A. Vernet, Les livres de Richard de Bazoques, Dresden, Le dilettantisme de Montaigne, Ruchon, J. Chassignet, Le Mespris de la vie et la consolation contre la mort, Foulet, La chanson de croisade reproduite par Pierre Desrey, Mayer, Le texte de Marot fin , Silver, Differences between the third and fourth collective editions of Ronsard, Delarue, Trouvailles bibliographiques, Aubert, J. Boussard et H. Greore, Word-Formation in Du Bartas, Adler, The topos Quinque lineae sunt amoris used by Ronsard, Donati, Leopardi e gli umanisti, Meylan, Ut supra, Pour le commentaire de Rabelais Pantagruel, V, 12 , Droz, Jean de Sponde et les Rochelais, Bollettino d'Arte Rome.
Ciotti, Rilievo romano e plutei medioevali ritrovati a Castel S. Elia, 1. Arias, II piatto argenteo di Cesena, 9. Rosi, La Reggia Normanna di Salerno, Arslan, Sui Montegazza, Zeri, Una pala d' altare di Gerolamo da Cremona, Barberini, Pietro da Cortona e l'arazzeria Barberini, I, Morricone, Scavi e ricerche a Coo , Maetzke, Resti di una basilica paleocristiana in Firenze, Rossi, La basilica di S. Maria dell' Impruneta, Maurizio a Man- tova, Maiuri, La parodia di Enea, Guglielmi, Affreschi inediti in Santa Scolastica a Subiaco, Petrucci, L'incisione carrac- cesca, Morozzi, Ritrovamenti e restauri in quattro pievi toscani danneggiate dalla guerra, Lavagnino, Restauro del Tempio Malatestiano, Iacopi, Specchio in bronzo da Medma, Calza, Statua iconica femminile da Ostia, Reg- giori, La rinascita della Basilica Ambrosiana, Forlati, Restauro di.
Salmi, Gli affreschi di Andrea del Castagno ritrovati, Vitali, Un disegno di Alb. Planiscig, Una scultura di Agostino Fasolato, Morricone, Scavi e ricerche a Goo , Maetzke, Restauri nel Museo di Chiusi, Amaldi, La Cappella Muzzarelli in S. Francesco in Bologna e il suo restauro, Valcanover, Nuovi restauri nelle Provincie venete, XXXVI Becatti, Rilievo con la nascita di Dioniso e aspetti mistici di Ostia pagana, 1.
Ronci, Antiche affreschi in S.
Sisto vecchio a Roma, Arslan, Breve nota su Pittoni, Elia, Scoperta di dipinti a Stabiae, Degrassi, Restauri e sistemazioni museografiche al Capi- tolium di Brescia, Frova, Pitture di tomba paleocristiana a Milano, Forlati, Restauro di edifici danneggiati dalla guerra : Prov. Banti, Vasi attici arcaici del Museo Archeologico di Firenze, Matthiae, Note di pittura laziale del Medioevo, Bearzi, Considerazioni di tecnica sul S. Ludovico e la Giuditta di Donatello, 1 Bottari, Un pittore siciliano del Quattrocento : Marzo Costanzo, Zampetti, Un polittico poco noto di Carlo e Vittore Crivelli, Zeri, Intorno a Gerolamo Siciolante, Bendinelli, Un monumento statuario inedito di Giuseppe Ceracchi, Pesce, Pitture sabratensi, Carettoni, Nuove sculture del Palatino, Brusin, II sepolcreto paleocristiano di Concordia Sagittaria, Pietro in Tivoli, Morozzi, Architetture e dipinti ehe ritornano in luce, Piazzo, II restauro della chiesa di S.
Francesco in Udine, Petrucci, Rembrandt fra noi, Becatti, Nuovo frammento del Dodekatheon prassitelico di Ostia, Stucchi, Un nuovo volto della famiglia imperiale Constantiniana : Costanzo Gallo, Castelnovi, Giovanni Barbagelata, Ghierici, II Castello de l'Aquila, Maltese, Otto paesaggi di D. Morelli, Cianfarani, Sculture rinvenute negli scavi di Alba Fucense, Carli, Relazione sul restauro della Madonna di Guido da Siena del , Bartoli, II restauro del rosone centrale del duomo di Orvieto, Eustorgio, Despy, La rocca di Ostia, Sampaolesi, Una scultura di Bernardo Buontalenti, Banti, Olpe Corinzia del Museo archeologico di Firenze, Garrison, Addenda ad indicem II, Faldi, Contribute a Raffaelino da Reggio, Maiuri, Terme di Baia.
Scavi, restauri e lavori di sistemazione, Chierici e F. Barreca, Museo Nazionale dell' Aquila, Cianfarani, Proplasma dell' Antiquario Teatino, 1. Maiuri, Nuove pitture di giardino a Pompei, 5. Golfieri, Le ceramiche di Picasso al museo di Faenza, Squarciapino, Ornamento per fontana da Ostia, Maetzke, II riordina- mento del Museo archeologico di Arezzo, Marzini, Resti di un ciclo senese trecentesco in S. Domenico d'Urbino, Paccagnini, Una proposta per Domenico Veneziano, Arslan, II polittico di S.
Zanipolo, Feinblatt, Un sarcofago ro- mano inedito nel Museo di Los Angeles, Squarciapino, Coppa cri- stiana da Ostia, Puerari, Gli affreschi cremonesi di Giovanni Pietro da Cemmo, Taylor, Uno scultore ignoto : Joseph Claus, Sestieri, Scoperte presso la Punta Tresino, Mariacher, Dipinti restaurati al Museo Correr di Vene- zia, Forlati, Restauro di edifici danneggiati dalla guerra : Provincia di Vicenza, Leone a Capena, Vigni, Tre dipinti di Antonello da Messina, Bartoli, Marsia e Apollo sul Palatino, 1.
Sestieri, Statuine eburnee di Posidonia, 9. Pantoni, Santa Maria di Trocchio ele sue pitture, Accascina, Gli affreschi di S. Procacci, Distacco di tempere ducentesche sovrapposte, Zeri, Una pala d'altare di Lorenzo da Viterbo, Ivanoff, Angelo Trevisani, Ceschi, Restauro di edifici danneggiati dalla guerra. Liguria, Caprino, Ara romana con la raffigurazione della leggenda di Kleobis e Biton, Floriani Squarciapino, L'Artemide del Palatino, Schettini, L'anastilosi del ciborio di Alfano nella Cattedrale di Bari, Faldi, Note sulle sculture borghesiane del Bernini, Refice, In margine alla Mostra del Mezzogiorno : Ant.
Mancini, Orlandini, Vasi fliacici trovati nel territorio di Gela, Becherucci, Note brevi su inediti toscani, Se- stieri, II nuovo Museo di Paestum, Degrassi, Milano. Bulletin de l'Association G. Liebschutz, La contexture du bouclier d'Achille dans l'Iliade, 6. Saulnier, Remarques sur la tradition des textes de Mellin de Saint-Gelais, Reulos, M. Guignard et H. Gagnepain, Celtes et civilisation, Nemo, Un humanisme constructeur, Aquarone, J.
Filliozat, H. Duchemin, Note sur le commentaire du Barbier de Seville, Braemer et J. Guillon, R. Sur un fragment de Pindare, Charnkux, Inscriptions d'Argos, Bulletin Hispanique Bordeaux. Pons, Le Spill de Jaume Roig, 5. Street, La paternidad del Tratado del Amor, Denis, En marge de la conjuration de Gellamare. Le retour en Espagne, Le Gentil, Le mouvement intellectuel au Portugal. Aspects du roman contemporain, Helmer, Les papiers de Fr. Ricard, Saragosse et Syracuse, Montesinos, Notas a la primera parte de Flor de romances, Bataillon et C. Besso, Bibliografia sobre el judeo-espanol, Rapport succinct des fouilles, Sauneron et J.
LI Leclant et J. Sauneron, Plutarque : Isis et Osiris ch.
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IX , Sauneron, Une conception anatomique tardive, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research London. Pugh and C. Ross, The English baronage and the income tax of , 1. Rude, The motives of popular insurrection in Paris during the French Revolution, Carter, The Dutch notarial archives, Betley Miss Butcher , The influence of the Polish and Belgian revolutions on international relations, with special reference to Great Britain and Russia, Nickson Prof.
Betts , The neo-manichean hersey in Germany, the Low Countries and England in the eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth centuries, Kerling, Prof. Carus- Wilson , The commercial relations of Holland and Zeeland with England from the late thirteenth century to the close of the middle ages, 5. Meekings, Martin Pateshull and William Raleigh, Rau and B. Diffie, Alleged fifteenth-century Portuguese joint-stock companies and the articles of Dr.
Fitzler, Papadopoulos, Lord Salisbury and the projected Anglo-German alliance of , Bourgeois et R. Platiau, Anciens fonts baptismaux d'Oye, Bieswal, P. Coolen, Insula Sithiu, Rousseau, Urbain Chevreau, loudunais, Salvini, Les retables dans le Haut Poitou, Hainsselin et G. Vasselle, Chronique des souterrains, Benveniste, La construction passive du parfait transitif, Haudricourt, Les occlusives uvulaires en thai, Chavaillon-Dutrievoz et J.
Lhote, Au sujet des haches polies de petites dimensions, Harmand, Remarques sur les bords abattus : terminologie et usages, Quelques remarques, L Nougier et R. Bordes, Typologie et statistique. Observations sur la Note de Me nee Alimen et Vignal, Bouchud et Y. Guillien, Le gel comme facteur de fossilisation, Bouchud, A. Cheynier et Y. Guillien, Dents de Renne et migrations, Blanc, La grotte de Terrevaine. La Ciotat B. Bouchud, La petite faune de la grotte de La Chaise Charente , Niederlender, R. Lacam et J. Pointes Levalloisiennes et pointes pseudo-levalloisiennes, Daniel et Edm.
Coulonges et D. Alimen et. Audibert et J. Malvesin-Fabre, L. Nougier, R. Bourdier, Pseudo-industries humaines sur galets de quartzite glaciaire, Bouchud, La faune des grottes des Orders et de Cottier, Berthouin et G. Arn al, Mors en bois de cerf de Roucadour Lot , Riquet et G. Pottier, Mammouths et Mastodontes, Lacorre, Sur les bois et les dents de Renne de Badegoule, Rijken-Fontein, The technical name for the surface-layer on greek and roman pottery, Byvanck, De opgravingen onder de Pieterskerk te Rome, The Art Bulletin New- York.
Creswell, Problems in Islamic Architecture, 1. Novotny, Reflections on a Drawing by Van Gogh, Lindsay, The Genesis and Meaning of the. Meiss, Trecento Scramble, Standen, The World of Silk, Wilkinson, Life in Early Nisha- pur, Goldsmith Phillips, Medals on the Renaissance, Howell, Craftmanship in Wrought Iron, Simmons, Crosscurrents in Chinese Silk History, Lippe, A Gift of Chinese Bronzes, Day, Silks of the Near East, Andrus, Andrew Gautier's Silver Bowl, Priest, Landscapes-Green and Blue, Gardner, Portrait of an Actress, Scott, The Metternich Stela, Lippe, Enjoying the Moon, Forsyth, The Vermand Treasure, Freeman, Late Gothic Woodcarvings from Normandy, Rousseau, A Flemish Altarpiece from Spain, Schoenberger, A Goblet of Unicorn Horn, X Perry, List of Gifts and Requests of Mr.
Harkness, Clark, Egyptian Jewelry, Fenton, The Palace made of Windows, Dimand, A Saljuk Incense Burner, Fenton, Portrait of a Victorian Painter, with Dogs, Mayor, The World of Atget, Priest, Insects : the Philosopher and the Butterfly, Forsyth, The Medieval Stag Hunt, Rodney, Ishtar, the Lady of Battle, Ten Eyck Gardner, Ingham in Manhattan, Dorra, la Orana Maria, Gardner, An Altarpiece of the Death of the Virgin, Godel, Note sur arm. Classica et Mediaevalia Copenhague.
Jacob- sen, The Fable is invested or Donne's Aesop, 1. Ross, Letters of Alexander.
- Life...By Alphabet;
- Périodiques - Persée;
- 1000 Ways to Write;
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A new partial MS of the unabbreviated Julius Valerius, Otto, Magister Johannes Dacus und seine Schriften, Mac Kendrick, A Renaissance Odyssey. The Life of Cyriac of Ancona, Dyggve, The Origin of the Urban Churchyard, Roques, Pour le commentaire de Renart : la Teste en la faille, 6. Cintas, La Grande Dame de Carthage, Courbin et R. Marec et H. David, J. Gauthier, M. Demargne, Les fouilles de Xanthos en Lycie campagne de , Cintas et E. Hahnloser, Nicolas de Verdun, la reconstitution de son ambon de Klosterneubourg et sa place dans l'histoire de l'art, Heleno et Se.
Lamrrino, L. Fulcinius Trio, premier gouverneur de la Lusitanie, sur une Tabula paironatus, Emerita Madrid. Grant, A Capricorn on Hadrian's coinage, 1. Paratore, Sul problema del- l'identificazione di Ligdamo con Ovidio, Magarinos, Horacio C. I 16, , Garcia Calvo, Ob oriuntur, Vallejo, Sobre las frases condi- cionales latinas, Ernout, Les mots grecs dans la Peregrinatio Etheriae, Pa- riente, Nota a sublicius, Garzya, Osservazioni sulla lingua di Crizia, Pabon, Las primeras traducciones espanolas de Salustio, Drexler, Hexameterstudien V, Monteagudo, Carta de Corufia romana, Vallejo, De nuevo Polibio y el tratado del Ebro, Pariente, Sobre inuidia, inuidiosus e inuidiam facere, Eos Wratislaviae.
Sinko, De lineamentis Platonicis in Cebetis q. Tabula, 3. Srebrny, De Aeschyli Heraclidis, Dziech, Graeci qua ratione Indos descripserint, Plezia, De Aristotelis epistulis observationes criticae, Szelest, De Herodiani clausulis metricis, Strzelecki, De polymetris Senecae canticis quaestiones, S dej, De versu Asclepiadeo minore apud Romanos obvio, Swoboda, De numero histrionum partiumque in comoediis Plautinis quaestiones, Sinko, Literatura polsko-lacinska problemy i zadania , 3. Maslowkiego i St. Ilowskiego, Kalisz, Liryka Kniaznina a poezja klasyczna.
Przeklady Anakreonta, Czerniatowicz, Euripides w komedii attyckiej, Zawadz- ki, W kwestii interpretacji Sallustiusa Ep. II, 4, 2, Eranos Upsala. Martin, Variatio and the Development of Tacitus' Style, Armini, Ad locum Historiae Augustae, Les Gaudecote, 1. Brachin, L'humour dans la Camera Obscura, Grappin, Romain Rolland et Hermann Hesse, Colleville, Rudolf Hagelstande, Durand, Les rapports de G. Brandes et de J. Jacobsen, Gravier, Strindberg et Kafka, Hesse, Thieberger, Un nouvelliste autrichien : Oscar Jellinck , Brachin, A propos du conte flamand, Romanische Forschungen Frankfurt.
Kritische Betrachtungen zur romanischen Substratetymologie, 1. Auerbach, Sermo humilis, Heisig, Zum Fortleben von lat. Wagner, Pro domo, Leo, Literaturvergleichung und Monographie, Dauzat et P. Jeux de mots de Rabelais, 9. Nardin, La recette stylistique des Lettres persanes suite , Boillot, Le.
Un projet de conciliation, La date du mot en allemand, Vendryes, Le mot dans la phrase, Listes justificatives, Nardin, Ut supra, Rapin, Le genre, indice de grandeur, Mon- not, Datations nouvelles, Bray et A. Brun, Pour l'histoire du lexique ferroviaire, Temple-Patter- son, La colocasia de Victor Hugo, Machiels, Proust et la langue de Saint-Simon, Gazay, Message, un terme de la Suisse romande d'origine languedocienne, Histoire anecdotique : bellicisme, collaboration, Arveiller et A.
Goosse, Datations nouvelles ; notes lexicologiques,